ASSEB HS Anthropology common mistakes
ASSEB HS Anthropology · Understand the traps and how to avoid them.
When asked to identify the research method used in a classic anthropological study, the candidate labels any long-term fieldwork as 'participant observation' without noting whether the researcher actually participated in daily activities or merely observed.
The candidate conflates participant observation with ethnography in general, forgetting that participant observation requires active involvement in the community's life, not just residence and interviewing.
What to do instead
For each method question, create a quick checklist: (1) Did the researcher live in the community? (2) Did they engage in the same activities? (3) Did they conduct interviews? (4) Did they use surveys or archival sources? Match the description to the method definition precisely. Practice with examples like Malinowski's Trobriand fieldwork (participant observation) versus early armchair anthropology (comparative method using secondary sources).
In questions about human evolution, the candidate treats 'hominin' and 'hominid' as interchangeable and misassigns species like Australopithecus or Homo to the wrong taxonomic group.
The candidate memorizes terms without understanding the taxonomic hierarchy and the distinction between hominins (humans and their bipedal ancestors) and hominids (great apes and humans).
What to do instead
Draw a simple phylogenetic tree showing the split between chimpanzees and hominins, then place key species (Sahelanthropus, Ardipithecus, Australopithecus, Homo) on the hominin branch. Memorize the defining traits of hominins: bipedalism, reduced canine size, and for Homo, increased brain size and tool use. Quiz yourself on which species belong to which genus and why.
When interpreting archaeological evidence, the candidate assumes that the presence of an artifact at a site directly indicates the behavior of the people who lived there, ignoring formation processes and context.
The candidate overlooks taphonomy and site formation processes, treating the archaeological record as a static snapshot rather than a dynamic result of deposition, disturbance, and recovery biases.
What to do instead
For any artifact interpretation question, ask: (1) How was the artifact deposited? (2) Could natural processes (water, animals, erosion) have moved it? (3) What is the stratigraphic context? (4) Are there associated features? Practice with examples like the difference between primary and secondary refuse, and the effect of plowing on artifact distribution.
In linguistic anthropology, the candidate confuses phonemes with morphemes and misapplies the concept of phonology to questions about meaning or grammar.
The candidate memorizes definitions but lacks practice in analyzing language data, so they cannot distinguish sound units (phonemes) from meaning units (morphemes) or syntax.
What to do instead
Use minimal pair exercises to identify phonemes (e.g., /p/ vs /b/ in 'pat' vs 'bat'). Then practice segmenting words into morphemes (e.g., 'unhappiness' = un- + happy + -ness). Create a table of linguistic levels (phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics) with examples and key questions for each.
When explaining cultural relativism, the candidate equates it with moral relativism, claiming that anthropologists must accept all cultural practices as morally valid.
The candidate conflates methodological relativism (suspending judgment to understand a culture) with ethical relativism (the philosophical view that no universal moral standards exist).
What to do instead
Write a clear definition: cultural relativism is a methodological stance to understand practices in their cultural context, not an ethical endorsement. Distinguish it from moral relativism and from human rights universalism. Use examples like female genital cutting or honor killings to discuss how anthropologists navigate understanding without condoning.
In kinship questions, the candidate assumes that all societies use the same kinship terminology system (e.g., calling all cousins 'cousin') and misidentifies terms like 'cross-cousin' or 'parallel-cousin'.
The candidate projects their own culture's kinship system onto others, failing to recognize the diversity of kinship terminologies and the structural implications of different systems.
What to do instead
Memorize the six major kinship terminology systems (Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, Crow, Omaha, Sudanese) with a diagram of how each classifies relatives. Practice identifying cross-cousins (children of mother's brother or father's sister) versus parallel-cousins (children of mother's sister or father's brother) and their significance for marriage rules.
When analyzing economic systems, the candidate labels all non-market exchange as 'reciprocity' without distinguishing between balanced, generalized, and negative reciprocity, or between reciprocity and redistribution.
The candidate uses 'reciprocity' as a catch-all term, missing the nuances of exchange patterns and their social implications.
What to do instead
Create a table of exchange types: reciprocity (generalized, balanced, negative), redistribution (pooling and reallocation, often with centralized authority), and market exchange (price-setting mechanisms). For each, list an ethnographic example (e.g., generalized reciprocity among !Kung, balanced reciprocity in Trobriand kula, redistribution in potlatch) and the social relationships they reinforce.
In applied anthropology questions, the candidate proposes a solution that ignores the ethical principle of informed consent, suggesting that researchers can proceed without community approval if the research benefits the community.
The candidate focuses on outcomes and undervalues the process of ethical engagement, forgetting that informed consent is non-negotiable in research with human subjects.
What to do instead
Review the AAA Code of Ethics and key principles: do no harm, obtain informed consent, ensure anonymity and confidentiality, and reciprocate benefits. For any applied scenario, outline a step-by-step process that includes community consultation, consent, and ongoing dialogue. Practice with case studies like the Havasupai genetic research or the Yanomami controversy.
When discussing human biological variation, the candidate explains differences between populations as discrete racial categories rather than as clinal distributions shaped by gene flow, genetic drift, and natural selection.
The candidate retains a folk concept of race as biologically discrete and fails to apply modern evolutionary theory to human variation.
What to do instead
Study the concept of clines and the fact that most human genetic variation exists within populations, not between them. Practice interpreting maps of allele frequencies (e.g., sickle-cell trait, skin color) and explain how natural selection and gene flow produce gradients. Review the history of race in anthropology and the scientific consensus that race is a social construct.
In questions about religion and ritual, the candidate confuses rites of passage with other ritual types and misidentifies the three stages (separation, liminality, incorporation) or their order.
The candidate memorizes Victor Turner's model but does not connect it to concrete examples, leading to mix-ups with calendrical rites or rites of intensification.
What to do instead
Create a flashcard for each ritual type with a clear definition and example. For rites of passage, memorize the sequence: separation (detachment from normal status), liminality (betwixt and between, often with communitas), and incorporation (reintegration with new status). Use examples like Maasai circumcision, Bar Mitzvah, or university graduation to solidify the stages.