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In saṃhitā, a word-final short -a followed by an initial ā- of the next word is replaced by a single long ā, following the dīrgha-sandhi rule akaḥ savarṇe dīrghaḥ. Thus rāma + āgacchati becomes rāmāgacchati, recited as one unit with no visarga and no hiatus.
The instrument of an action is the karaṇa kāraka and is expressed in the tṛtīyā (instrumental) case. The ī-stem feminine lekhanī takes the instrumental singular ending -ā after -y-, giving lekhanayā, so sā lekhanayā likhati means “she writes with a pen.”
Masculine i-stem nouns such as kavi form the instrumental singular with the suffix -nā, so kavi + nā gives kavinā. The -n- is part of the ending and is not present in the base form kavi.
rājaputraḥ is analysed as rājñaḥ putraḥ, where the first member stands in the genitive case, making it a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa. The compound denotes the son himself, so its head is putra, not an adjective describing some other person.
√paṭh is a bhvādi root that takes the vikaraṇa śap in the present tense, producing the stem paṭha-. To this stem the third-person plural ending -anti is added, giving paṭhanti, “they read.”
The suffixes -tavya, -anīya and -ya form the kṛtya class of kṛt pratyayas, which are gerundival suffixes expressing obligation or fitness. Accordingly kartavya means “to be done” or “fit to be done.”
In karmaṇi-prayoga the object phalam becomes the nominative subject, the agent rāmaḥ is put in the instrumental as rāmeṇa, and the verb takes the passive ātmanepada form khādyate. The result is rāmeṇa phalaṃ khādyate, “the fruit is eaten by Rāma.”
The taddhita suffix aṇ is added to manu to form mānava, with vṛddhi of the initial vowel. The ṇ of the pratyaya is an it-marker whose presence is what causes the vṛddhi substitution.
Before the nominative singular ending -s, the stem-final -n of rājan is dropped and the preceding -a is lengthened, giving rājā. The ending itself is not retained as a visarga in this form.
The causative is marked by the kārita suffix ṇic, added to the root before the tiṅ ending: kṛ + ṇic gives kāraya-, then kārayati. The ṇ of ṇic is an it-marker whose presence causes vṛddhi of the root vowel.
The final -a of rāma and the initial ī of īśa undergo guṇa sandhi, in which a + i/ī becomes e, giving rāmeśa. This is not savarṇa-dīrgha because a and ī are not savarṇa vowels.
The ablative singular ending -āt marks the point of departure, so grāmāt is apādāna, meaning “from the village.” Sampradāna is the recipient, adhikaraṇa the location, and karaṇa the instrument.
Feminine ā-stems normally have -ā in the nominative singular, identical with the stem form latā. The endings -ām, -ayā, and -āyāḥ belong to accusative, instrumental, and genitive/ablative singular respectively.
A bahuvrīhi compound denotes a person or thing qualified by the whole compound, not simply the union of its members. Since caturbhujaḥ means “one whose arms are four,” it is a bahuvrīhi.
The suffix ktvā is added to a root without a prefix to form an absolutive or gerund, as in kṛ + ktvā = kṛtvā. Lyap is the alternative absolutive suffix used in certain prefix contexts, while tumun and tavya express infinitive and obligation.
The imperative second-person singular of √bhū is bhava, formed from the guṇa stem bhava- with the second-person singular imperative ending. Bhavati is present indicative, bhavatu third-person imperative, and bhavet optative.
A visarga after a and before a voiced consonant is replaced by o, so rāmaḥ gacchati becomes rāmo gacchati. The visarga is not retained before the voiced g-, nor does it become s in this environment.
In avyayībhāva compounds the first member is an indeclinable such as yathā, and the compound functions adverbially. Since yathāśakti means “according to ability,” it is an avyayībhāva compound.
For an -as stem neuter such as manas, the dative singular ending is -e, giving manase. Manasā is instrumental singular, manasi locative singular, and manasaḥ genitive or ablative singular.
The masculine pronoun tad has the genitive plural teṣām, meaning “of those.” Taiḥ is instrumental plural, teṣu locative plural, and tāsām is the genitive plural of the feminine pronoun tā.
The final -i of iti becomes the glide y before the vowel ā, so the correct saṃhitā form is ityādi. This is yaṇ sandhi, not dīrgha sandhi, because no long vowel is produced.
Masculine a-stem nouns form the nominative plural with the ending -āḥ; deva + as becomes devāḥ through visarga. The other forms belong to different cases or numbers.
√nī belongs to the first present class and takes the third-person singular parasmaipada ending -ti; the stem appears as naya-, giving nayati. The passive, plural, and first-person forms are different inflectional categories.
A dvandva compound coordinates its members, so rāmaś ca kṛṣṇaś ca becomes rāmakṛṣṇau in the dual. The other classes express subordination, possession, or an indeclinable relationship.
The infinitive suffix -tumun appears as -tum in draṣṭum, expressing purpose or the sense “to see.” The other suffixes form gerunds, gerundives, or absolutive forms.
The suffix -matup, whose stem form is -mat, denotes possession and yields buddhimat from buddhi. The suffixes -in, -ya, and -ka have other taddhita functions and do not form this word.
Odanaṃ pacati means “he cooks rice.” The accusative odanam is the direct object of the transitive root √pac, so it expresses karma. Kartṛ is the agent, karaṇa the instrument, and adhikaraṇa the locus.
√sev takes ātmanepada endings in the present, and the third-person singular ending is -te, giving sevate. The form sevati is parasmaipada, while sevante is plural and sevayate is causative.
Dadāti shows the reduplication characteristic of the juhotyādi gaṇa, to which √dā belongs. The other gaṇas form their presents by different patterns, such as the thematic -a of bhvādi or the -ya of divādi.
The perfect third-person singular parasmaipada of √kṛ is cakāra, marked by reduplication and the perfect ending. Akarot is imperfect, karoti is present, and kartā is a nominal or periphrastic future form.
The vowel sandhi rule for a/ā followed by a/ā gives a single long ā, so deva + ālaya becomes devālaya. The two vowels are not kept separate, and no extra final vowel is added.
For ī-stem feminines, the final ī changes to y before a vowel ending; the instrumental singular ending is -ā, giving nadyā. This is the form used for 'by/with the river' in the instrumental sense.
grāme is a locative form meaning 'in the village', and the kāraka of locus or location is adhikaraṇa. The sentence therefore illustrates the adhikaraṇa kāraka with vasati, 'he lives'.
The compound resolves as rājñaḥ putraḥ, showing a genitive relationship between the members. A compound whose first member stands in an oblique case relation to the second is a tatpuruṣa, specifically a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa here.
The taddhita suffix aṇ is added to śiva with vṛddhi of the first vowel, yielding śaiva. This suffix expresses the relation 'belonging to or derived from' in this formation.
The kṛt suffix ṇvul forms agent nouns and causes vṛddhi of the root vowel, so √pac yields pācaka. The suffix is used here in the sense of 'one who cooks'.
In the passive, the suffix ya is added to the root and ātmanepada endings are used; √paṭh + ya + te gives paṭhyate. This form means 'it is read' in a passive construction.
The vidhiliṅ (optative) of √kṛ in the third-person singular is kuryāt, expressing 'he should do' or 'may he do'. It is distinct from the present karoti, the passive kriyate, and the perfect cakāra.
In external sandhi, final -t before c is assimilated to c, so tat + citra becomes taccitra. The resulting cluster is written with two c sounds, not with ch.
The pronominal declension of tad gives tasmāt for the ablative singular, meaning 'from that'. The other forms belong to different cases: tasya genitive, tena instrumental, and tasmin locative.
The visarga of rāmaḥ follows a and is replaced by ś before the voiceless palatal c. Therefore rāmaḥ + ca becomes rāmaś ca. This is a regular visarga-saṃdhi replacement, not an optional variant.
The form gurave is the fourth vibhakti (dative) of guru, and with the root √dā it marks the recipient of the gift. In Pāṇinian kāraka theory, the recipient is sampradāna. The verb dadāti expressly governs this dative relation.
A bahuvrīhi compound denotes an external referent qualified by the compound members, here a person whose garment is yellow. The compound does not have the garment itself as its primary head. This is the defining semantic behavior of bahuvrīhi.
The causative is marked by the pratyaya ṇic, whose ṇ is an it marker causing vṛddhi of the root vowel. Thus √pac becomes pācaya-, giving pācayati, “he causes to cook.” The other suffixes listed form desiderative or intensive stems, not the causative.
Kādambarī is a classical Sanskrit prose romance attributed to Bāṇabhaṭṭa. Tradition holds that Bāṇa left it incomplete and that Bhūṣaṇabhaṭṭa supplied the concluding portion. Daṇḍin, Subandhu and Bhavabhūti are associated with other works.
The term gadya denotes prose, so a predominantly prose literary work is a gadya-kāvya. Padya-kāvya is verse composition, champu-kāvya mixes prose and verse, and nāṭaka is drama.
Subandhu is the author of the gadyakāvya Vāsavadattā. Kādambarī and Harṣacarita are by Bāṇabhaṭṭa, while Daśakumāracarita is by Daṇḍin; Bhūṣaṇabhaṭṭa completed Kādambarī rather than composing Harṣacarita.
Daśakumāracarita is traditionally divided into the Pūrvapīṭhikā, which supplies the introductory frame, and the Uttarapīṭhikā, which carries the later narrative. Kathāmukha and Prastāvanā belong more properly to dramatic terminology.
Kandarpaketu is the hero of Subandhu's Vāsavadattā, and the heroine Vāsavadattā is central to its romance plot. Kādambarī has Candrapīḍā as its hero, Daśakumāracarita concerns ten princes, and Harṣacarita is a royal biography.
Candrapīḍā is the hero of Kādambarī, and the narrative develops through his love for Kādambarī and the theme of earlier births. Kandarpaketu belongs to Vāsavadattā, Rājavāhana to Daśakumāracarita, and Harṣavardhana to Harṣacarita.